The protests in Tunisia—documented and shared by mobile devices—spread to neighboring countries. Soon anti-government demonstrations had erupted in Bahrain, where protesters demanded the release of political prisoners and human rights reforms; Jordan; Kuwait, whose parliament was dissolved in response to public pressure; Libya, where a government crackdown on protesters sparked a civil war ; and Yemen, where massive protests sparked a political crisis and forced its president to step down.
The dramatic protests eventually forced Mubarak, who had ruled for 30 years, out of office. The revolution ushered in an era of political chaos and instability in Egypt, which has continued to repress its citizens. The dream of democracy also proved fleeting in Syria, where the peaceful pro-democracy protesters were met with government opposition.
After the Syrian government killed and imprisoned Arab Spring protesters, the country split into factions and sectarian violence broke out. Civil war soon followed. Foreign intervention has failed to stop the war, which has displaced more than half of all Syrians and killed up to half a million people.
Since , the goals of many Arab Spring protesters have been denied as autocratic governments regain power and crack down on civil liberties. Nonetheless, the uprisings have shown the power of mass demonstrations and peaceful protest, as well as the ability of social media to both fuel protest and communicate its goals to the outside world.
The tumult of the Arab Spring also showed autocratic governments—and the rest of the world—that millions of people living in Islamic nations believe in free expression and democratic governance. Khashoggi, who was also a dissident, author, and columnist for The Washington Post , was murdered inside the Saudi consulate in Istanbul in All rights reserved. Share Tweet Email. Why it's so hard to treat pain in infants.
This wild African cat has adapted to life in a big city. Animals Wild Cities This wild African cat has adapted to life in a big city Caracals have learned to hunt around the urban edges of Cape Town, though the predator faces many threats, such as getting hit by cars. According to Khouri, many Tunisians, Egyptians, Libyans, Syrians, Bahraini and Yemenis used "revolution" thawra in Arabic to describe their own political actions and "revolutions" thawrat to describe collective Arab actions across the MENA.
Nouns "uprising" infitada , "awakening" sahwa and "renaissance" nahda were also used--language drawing on the collective action against Ottoman and European rule in the early 20th century. The Arab Spring was caused by a diverse set of causes including government repression, overseas communication, economic failure specifically the failure of Arab economies in providing economic opportunities for youth , and changes in information technologies that made it possible and easier for revolutionaries to organize support for the spread of their ideas and protests.
The authoritarian governments that had come into power following the decolonization of the MENA region, could be seen as the core of much of the modern discontent. President Gamal Abdel Nasser was the Egyptian president from until his death in , advocated heavily for Arab sovereignty, and created a centralization of power in Egypt, and created many of the failing social institutions that were ultimately rebelled against.
Nasser and his regime structured the government in such a way that power was incredibly centralized. It remained as such until the uprisings set out to challenge the imbalance of power. Many cite the beginning of the Arab Spring with Mohamed Bouazizi, a Tunisian man, lighting himself on fire in front of a government building. Mohamed Bouazizi's self-immolation was also emulated by other Tunisians, such as Sidi Bouzid, another young jobless man who shouted "no for misery, no for unemployment" just prior to climbing up an electricity pole.
Technology, and access to information assisted in the uprisings. Its usages helped facilitate the dissemination of information, including photos, videos and information in real time. In Iran, Tunisia, Egypt, and Morocco, groups of predominantly young people launched the uprisings, and their use of social networking media for cyberactivism was an important factor in the success of their mobilizations.
One of the most well-known images of the Arab Spring that resonate with us is the self-immolation of Mohamed Bouazizi, a fruit seller, who resorted to such demonstrations to protest the political repression and bleak economic situation in Tunisia after he had his cart confiscated by the police because he did not have a license to operate.
Bouazizi's message was spread nationally and internationally due to the effects of both conventional and social media i. Al Jazeera and Facebook, respectively. Virtually no one was even aware of the self-immolation demonstration in Monastir because it was not filmed or spread around on social media, and because the self-immolation of Bouazizi was posted on Facebook, the demonstration that took place in a small town was circulated beyond its geographical perimeters and triggered mass protests.
The success of social media in the spread of social movements also depends on its usership. Protests in in Tunisia did not gain much traction despite the employment of social media strategies, and this is arguably atttributed to the low number of Facebook users only 28, at the time in Tunisia , and thus the low media penetration.
By the time of the revolution in , however, the number of Facebook users had grown to about two million. An Egyptian activist during the revolution emphasized the importance of social media as a tool by tweeting, "we use Facebook to schedule protests, Twitter to coordinate, and YouTube to tell the world," and for this reason, the Tunisian and Egyptian revolutions are sometimes referred to as the "Facebook or Twitter revolutions.
When the government of Mahmoud Ahmadinejad shut down the Internet in Iran for twenty hours and heavily filtered the Internet thereafter once the they realized the widespread use of the Internet by activists in advancing their protests, Iranian activists used whatever means they could to get their message out. People in neighbouring countries set up their computers as proxies so that Iranian citizens could access the Internet through them and get around the security set up by the Iranian goverment, and Internet hacking groups such as Anonymous Iran also helped citizens circumvent Iran's security measures [15].
The employment of social media was not just a phenomenon seen in Tunisia and Egypt during the uprisings of the Arab Spring, as activists in Morocco also used Youtube and Facebook to their advantage.
The Moroccan Oppositionist Youth Movement primarily used Facebook to organize public protests and Youtube as a vehicle for political expression, where they pushed for the need of a more democratic and equal society that allows for greater freedom of expression and economic opportunities [16] Some of the videos on such opinions are voiced by members of the Moroccan Oppositionst Youth movement and can still be found on Facebook.
In the face of the widespread excitement about the empowering potential of social media, dissonant academic voices have however questioned the assumptions that underlie this sentiment. From this viewpoint, the empowering potential of social media is thus not a guarantee of democratization. The spread of uprisings of the Arab Spring varied in the MENA countries due to the differences in economic, political, and environmental factors, the nature of the ruling regime, and the degree of societal civility in each country.
Mass protests are more often seen in liberal democracies, and rarely in autocratic governments. The protests seen in the movements under what we know as the Arab Spring depict the strategic use of the masses to unseat autocratic strongmen. Whether or not the movements in their respective countries are successful in achieving democracy, they have at least opened the door to the possibility for the emergence of new political elites. Studies also show that when autocratic regimes are ousted by mass-led protests and revolts, there is a greater possibility for a new type of political system following the previous regime than when autocratic leaders exit via insider-led reasons.
In mid-March of , a group of 14 youth in Dara'a, Syria, drew anti-government graffiti saying "the people want the downfall of the regime," and were consequently arrested. In response to the government's actions, local activists participated in public demonstrations in opposition to the regime of President Bashar al-Assad and demanded the release of those youth, marking the beginnings of the series of demonstrations that quickly spread across Syria.
In Egypt, protests and demonstrations were taken to the streets by large numbers of people from what seemed to be a social mix that is rarely seen in Egypt. Close to , people marched into Cairo's Tahrir Square. Protesters of different ages, genders, and social statuses were united by the sense instilled by the revolution [21] These mass protests that represent such a large demographic was a strategic choice as repressive governments are usually prepared to deal with violent insurgencies comprised of young, able-bodied men, but find difficulty in countering such forms of massive uncooperation in the face of individuals of all different ages, genders, and socio-economic backgrounds.
The citizens of Yemen were inspired by the movements that took place in Tunisia and Egypt and organized their own mass protests, which are sometimes referred to as the "Anti-president Protest. The March of Loyalty to Martyrs was a protest in Bahrain that was held on February 22, , and was one of the biggest protests following the beginnings of the Bahraini uprising.
Protesters marched for several miles, from Manama's Bahrain Mall to Pearl Square, carrying large banners that read "The march of loyalty to martyrs" and featured pictures of protesters who were killed during previous protests. Although they are independent of the government, they frequently engage in political issues and can help support revolutions or influence governmental decision making. While similar to mass protests in the sense that groups of people are gathered and united by similar, if not the same, values and aims, civil society structures are a more physical manifestation of such voices and can often achieve group goals in a more focused manner.
The creation of civil society structures are seen in Syria, where dissidents created the Syrian National Council. The Syrian National Council aims to address human rights issues in Syria, to defend the Syrian people's demands and rights, and to push for a democratically elected government.
Such groups include the Damascus Declaration group, Syrian Muslim Brotherhood, the Local Coordination Committees a group that helps organize and document protests , various Kurdish factions, and other independent and tribal figures, are examples of other civil society structures that were created to help achieve the aims of the collective nation.
However, it should be noted that the Syrian National Council was not entirely successful as it was subjected to some actions of some executive members that violated its charter.
Further, there were some philosophical and political differences pertaining to the rules of religion in future Syria, and discrimination was used against members who had different beliefs and opinions, causing many members to leave the council and pursue their political activities at other Forums. The use of strategic, nonviolent civilian resistance in the uprisings and spread of the Arab Spring are important because it rejects the assumptions of classical theory which argue that violence is often a necessary component of a revolutionary process.
Military forces have been seen to either side with the opposition and support the civil resisters during the Arab Spring, or side with the ruling government and repress the people. Therefore, having the military on their side was an effective strategy for civil resisters to advance their protests without being crushed by violence ordered by the government.
Nonviolent revolutionary movements that win the support of the regime's military institution are likely to achieve regime change, as seen in Tunisia and Egypt. For example, during the time of protests, the military in Egypt eventually sided with the opposition, and soldiers refused to fire at protesters and even publicly stated that they would not use violence to crush the movement. Some scholars, including Binnendijk and Marovic argue that the military is more likely to side with the opposition if there is a combination of incentives to defect e.
In Tunisia, the military decided to side with the opposition because the military was comprised of officers from different socio-economic backgrounds which allowed for more sympathy towards the civil resisters , and many scholars argue that the Tunisian military's decision to side with the civil resisters is in part due to the fact that they have traditionally been apolitical and therefore committed to providing safety to Tunisian citizens.
Tahrir Square is a major public town square in downtown Cairo and consists of a large and busy traffic circle. The large gatherings in Tahrir Square also provided individual protesters with protection in numbers in the face of violent repression. Prior to the protests, Tahrir Square was but a large traffic circle, and gatherings of a small number of adults would have resulted in an arrest.
Mubarak recognized the significance of the Tahrir Square and the power of public spaces as they permitted citizens to come together to meet and share ideas, which then had the possibility of turning into a large protest. Bourguiba Avenue: Tunis, Tunisia While Mohamed Bouazizi's self-immolation, the spark of the movements in Tunisia, occurred not in a square but in the middle of the street, avenues such as the Bourguiba Avenue were the epicentres of the protests in Tunisia.
Important monuments surrounding Bouguiba Avenue include the Cathedral of St. Located in the capital city of Bahrain, the Pearl Roundabout is surrounded by the Bahrain Central Market, the Pearl and City roundabout, and the marina. Originally named the Green Square, Libyan rebels ended up capturing the space and marked the end of the Qaddafi regime and renamed the space, "Martyrs' Square.
However, this was not just a square for anti-regime protesters, as Qadaffi pushed his own supporters to pile into the square and rally against the anti-regime protesters by declaring to 'burn Libya' if the protesters did not stop. With the help of the Gulf Cooperation Council, protesters rallied to have Saleh removed from power and pushed for increased political stability. The Yemenis' desire for change was so strong that they renamed what was previously known as "Freedom Square" to the current name, "Change Square.
Dara'a, Syria Syrian's ancient city plazas and older and more traditional Islamic spaces, on the other hand, have been more popular locations for public protests. The ongoing battle between security forces and demonstrators have found a ground zero in Dara'a, a poor agricultural town and home to al-Omari mosque. Many scholars view these older areas as more successful in holding public protests because newer areas are marshaled and tightly controlled by authoritarian governments and often speak to the power of the governments which build them.
The most robust protests take place in the ancient cities of old countries, as seen in Alexandria, Egypt, and Homs,Syria, while weak protests were seen in the newer Gulf nations. The significance of occupying public spaces in each of these countries is that public squares are essentially physical manifestations of democracy.
Public squares that allow citizens to gather, share ideas, and plan protests are a threat to regime security, and many autocratic governments end up fencing off their city's monumental public spaces to prevent large crowds from congregating.
Many hire urban planners to design public spaces that are broken up into smaller sections so as to avoid the possibility of protests by limiting the number of people that could occupy certain spaces at once. However, Libya represents a major exception to this approach, which stands out for the controversial linkage it established between the local uprisings and power dynamics in the international system. In early , violence unfolded in Libya in the midst of protests against Qaddafi and heightened during a protest in Benghazi in response to the arrest of human rights lawyer Fathi Terbil, culminating in armed conflict.
April 21, - Assad lifts the country's year-old state of emergency. He also abolishes the Higher State Security Court and issues a decree "regulating the right to peaceful protest, as one of the basic human rights guaranteed by the Syrian Constitution. April 25, - The government sends troops into Daraa to carry out what witnesses describe as a brutal crackdown. Between 4, and 5, members of the army and security forces raid Daraa and shoot indiscriminately. At least seven people are killed, according to an activist with the Syrian Observatory for Human Rights.
May 31, - Assad issues a decree granting amnesty for political crimes but a report from the state-run news agency suggests that protesters are not being offered amnesty, just reduced punishments for alleged crimes.
June 6, - State TV reports that security forces have been killed, including 82 in the city of Jisr Al-Shugar. The government blames the deaths on "armed gangs" in the city.
June 20, - In a speech, Assad says that he will not negotiate with people fighting against Syrian forces. He also offers promises of reform, without any specifics. Human rights activists say that more than 1, people have died during months of protests.
June 24, - According to Turkish government officials, there are 11, Syrian refugees in Turkey. September 2, - The European Union bans the import of Syrian oil. November 12, - The Arab League suspends Syria's membership. December 26, - Members of an Arab League delegation arrive to look into conditions on the ground and whether Syria is upholding a commitment to end a violent crackdown. January 4, - Mohamed Bouazizi, a year-old vegetable cart vendor, dies days after he set himself on fire in protest of police confiscating his cart.
His act of self-immolation sparks widespread protests. January 14, - Prime Minister Mohamed Ghannouchi announces that he has taken over the responsibilities of President Zine el Abidine Ben Ali, who has fled the country.
January 15, - Parliamentary speaker Fouad Mebazaa is sworn in as acting president. He asks Ghannouchi to remain as interim prime minister. January 21, - Ghannouchi announces that the country will hold its first national elections since the country gained independence from France in February 26, - According to the Interior Ministry, three people are killed in clashes between demonstrators and security forces in Tunis.
More than people are arrested. February 27, - Ghannouchi resigns. March 9, - A Tunisian court issues a ruling dissolving the Rally for Constitutional Democracy, the party of ousted president Ben Ali.
June 20, - After a one-day trial, Ben Ali is convicted of corruption in absentia. October 23, - National elections are held for the first time.
Candidates compete for seats in the Constitutional Assembly. For developments in Tunisia after , see Tunisia Fast Facts. January 27, - Protests begin. February 2, - President Ali Abdullah Saleh says he will not seek reelection in February 21, - Amid protests, Saleh refuses to step down, comparing the protests to a virus spreading through the region.
February 23, - State-run news service Saba reports that Saleh is calling for an end to the protests and says he supports the creation of a national unity government to oversee upcoming parliamentary elections.
February 28, - Yemen's main opposition bloc rejects Saleh's call to form a unity government. March 8, - Dozens of anti-government demonstrators are wounded when security forces fire into the air and shoot tear gas into a crowd of tens of thousands of protesters in front of Sanaa University, witnesses say. March 18, - Fifty-two people are killed in a crackdown on protesters. March , - Saleh dismisses his cabinet and numerous Yemeni officials resign in the wake of the deaths of 52 protesters.
Saleh and a top military general discuss a deal for a peaceful transition of power that would allow Saleh to stay in place for the rest of the year. Three prominent generals declare their support for the protesters. March 23, - Saleh accepts opposition demands for a presidential election by the end of the year and other constitutional reforms. April 8, - Tens of thousands of demonstrators gather in Sanaa and Taiz.
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